第四章．雄略西方—秦國到秦朝的興盛史

1John Brewer, The Sinews of Power: War, Money, and the English State, 1688-1783, 3-7.

2Chun Chang Huang et al., “Charcoal Records of Fire History in the Holocene Loess—Soil Sequences over the Southern Loess Plateau of China”, 34-37; Zhihai Tan et al., “Holocene Wildfires Related to Climate and Land-Use Change over the Weihe River Basin, China”, 171.

3Sanft, “Edict of Monthly Ordinances for the Four Seasons in Fifty Articles from 5 C.E.: Introduction to the Wall Inscriptions Discovered at Xuanquanzhi, with Annotated Translation”; John Knoblock and Jeffrey Riegel, The Annals of Lu Buwei: A Complete Translation and Study, 35-43, 59-276, 683-92.（「鷹化為鳩」一句意譯該書頁三八）Bernhard Karlgren, The Book of Odes, 97-99. 鄭之洪，〈論《詩七月》的用歷與觀象知時〉。William E. Soothill, The Hall of Light: A Study of Early Chinese Kingship, 237-51. 以下使用王志民、王安國的《呂氏春秋》英譯本，有時略作改動。

4新年假期參看Derk Bodde, Festivals in Classical China: New Year and Other Annual Observances during the Han Dynasty, 206 B.C.-A.D. 220, 45-52. 關於結冰、捕魚和維修農具，參看John Knoblock and Jeffrey Riegel, The Annals of Lu Buwei: A Complete Translation and Study, 241, 259. 關於狩獵和捕魚，參看Gilbert L. Mattos, The Stone Drums of Ch’in, 165-66, 195-96, 220-21, 240-41.

5引文出自John Knoblock and Jeffrey Riegel, The Annals of Lu Buwei: A Complete Translation and Study, 61, 77-78, 95-97, 98, 115. 「囿有見韭」出自王聘珍，《大戴禮記解詁》卷二，〈夏小正第四十七〉，頁二六。

6王聘珍，《大戴禮記解詁》卷二，〈夏小正第四十七〉，頁三六至三七。William E. Soothill, The Hall of Light: A Study of Early Chinese Kingship, 239-40; John Knoblock and Jeffrey Riegel, The Annals of Lu Buwei: A Complete Translation and Study, 135（「蟬始鳴」）, 155（「土潤溽暑」）. 昆蟲侵襲農作物，參看Stephen Durrant, Wai-yee Li, and David Schaberg, Zuo Tradition, 14, 88, 214-17, 314, 476-79, 508, 614, 666, 674, 684, 932, 1906-13.

7引文出自John Knoblock and Jeffrey Riegel, The Annals of Lu Buwei: A Complete Translation and Study, 189, 191. 關於營養不良，參看Miao Wei et al., “Dental Wear and Oral Health as Indicators of Diet among the Early Qin People.” 以及Ekaterina Pechenkina, Robert A. Benfer, and Xiaolin Ma, “Diet and Health in the Neolithic of the Wei and Yellow River Basins, Northern China.” 關於烹煮小米，參看Yitzchak Jaffe, “The Continued Creation of Communities of Practice—Finding Variation in the Western Zhou Expansion (1046-771 BCE).”

8John Knoblock and Jeffrey Riegel, The Annals of Lu Buwei: A Complete Translation and Study, 208.

9「水始冰」出自John Knoblock and Jeffrey Riegel, The Annals of Lu Buwei: A Complete Translation and Study, 223-25. 蟋蟀一段出自《詩經》《國風．豳風．七月》，「碩鼠」則出自《國風．魏風．碩鼠》。關於肉醬（醢），參看Hsing-Tsung Huang, Science and Civilisation in China, vol. 6.5.

10Yu Dong et al., “Shifting Diets and the Rise of Male-Biased Inequality on the Central Plains of China during the Eastern Zhou”; Melanie J. Miller et al., “Raising Girls and Boys in Early China: Stable Isotope Data Reveal Sex Differences in Weaning and Childhood Diets during the Eastern Zhou Era”; Shubhra Gururani, “Forests of Pleasure and Pain: Gendered Practices of Livelihood in the Forests of the Kumaon Himalayas, India.”

11Richard Von Glahn, The Economic History of China: From Antiquity to the Nineteenth Century, chap. 2; Cho-yun Hsu, Ancient China in Transition: An Analysis of Social Mobility, 722-222 B.C, 107-39; Hung Wu, “The Art and Architecture of the Warring States Period,” 654, 679-81. 江村治樹，《春秋戦国時代青銅貨幣の生成と展開》。Yohei Kakinuma, “The Emergence and Spread of Coins in China from the Spring and Autumn Period to the Warring States Period”; Ke Peng, “Coinage and Commercial Development in Eastern Zhou China”; Rose Kerr and Nigel Wood, Science and Civilisation in China, vol. 5.12, 302; Dieter Kuhn, Science and Civilisation in China, vol. 5.9, 3-4, 159-60. 司馬遷，《史記》，卷一二九〈貨殖列傳〉，頁三二五三至三二八四。William H. Nienhauser, The Grand Scribe’s Records, vol. 9, 261-301. 劉興林，《先秦兩漢農業與鄉村聚落的考古學研究》。

12司馬遷沒有具體說明《秦記》是一份文獻，抑或多種文本。他所說的「不包括月或日」的說法與〈秦本紀〉、睡虎地秦墓出土的《編年紀》逐年記事的風格相吻合。如果暫不考慮〈秦本紀〉中的長篇故事，取材自《左傳》和《戰國策》等文本，那麼就只能從《秦記》摘取簡要的編年記事。參見《史記》，卷一五〈六國年表〉，頁六八五至六八七。Edward Shaughnessy, “The Qin Biannianji 編年記 and the Beginnings of Historical Writing in China”, 115-36. 藤田勝久著，曹峰、廣瀨薰雄譯，《《史記》戰國史料研究》，頁二二一至二六九；高敏，《雲夢秦簡初探》，頁一二至一七、一二二至一四七。

13Huacheng Zhao, “New Explorations of Early Qin Culture”; Feng Li, “A Study of the Bronze Vessels and Sacrificial Remains of the Early Qin State from Lixian, Gansu.” 劉欣，〈甘肅天水毛家坪遺址動物遺存研究〉。Lothar von Falkenhausen, Chinese Society in the Age of Confucius (1000-250 BC): The Archaeological Evidence, 233-39; Yitzchak Jaffe, “The Continued Creation of Communities of Practice—Finding Variation in the Western Zhou Expansion (1046-771 BCE).”

14司馬遷，《史記》，卷五〈秦本紀〉，頁一七九。William H. Nienhauser, The Grand Scribe’s Records, vol. 1, 91; Lothar von Falkenhausen, “Mortuary Behaviour in Pre-Imperial Qin: A Religious Interpretation”; Lothar von Falkenhausen, Chinese Society in the Age of Confucius (1000-250 BC): The Archaeological Evidence, 215. 寶雞的秦都名為平陽。

15王學理主編，尚志儒、呼林貴副主編，《秦物質文化史》，頁二○八；司馬遷，《史記》，卷一二九〈貨殖列傳〉，頁三二六一。Burton Watson, Records of the Grand Historian: Han Dynasty, 441.

16對秦考古的這段概述，多半依照Lothar von Falkenhausen, Chinese Society in the Age of Confucius (1000-250 BC): The Archaeological Evidence, 111, 213-43, 326-38; Lothar von Falkenhausen, ”Mortuary Behaviour in Pre-Imperial Qin: A Religious Interpretation”; Lothar von Falkenhausen, “The Waning of the Bronze Age: Material Culture and Social Developments, 770-481 B.C.”（引文出自該文頁四八七）。Gideon Shelach, “Collapse or Transformation? Anthropological and Archaeological Perspectives on the Fall of Qin.” 一文主張（p. 129），這是史上為單一個人建造的最大墓葬群。

17Gilbert L. Mattos, “Eastern Zhou Bronze Inscriptions”, 111-23.（關於「受命於天」）Lothar von Falkenhausen, “The Waning of the Bronze Age: Material Culture and Social Developments, 770-481 B.C.”, 459-62. 陝西省考古研究院，〈2014年陝西省考古研究院考古調查發掘新收穫〉，頁十至十一；中國社會科學院考古研究所豐鎬隊，〈西安市長安區豐京遺址水系遺存的勘探與發掘〉。

18Gilbert L. Mattos, The Stone Drums of Ch’in, 105-7, 220-21, 237-41.

19Melvin Thatcher, “Central Government of the State of Ch’in in the Spring and Autumn Period”, 33. 司馬遷，《史記》，卷五〈秦本紀〉，頁一七九。William H. Nienhauser, The Grand Scribe’s Records, vol. 1, 91.

20西元前七一三年，秦滅亳／蕩社（可能在西安附近）；西元前六九七年，秦攻打關中東部的彭戲氏；西元前六八八年，秦征伐天水附近邽、冀的戎人；西元前六八七年，秦攻取杜（西安附近）、鄭（位於周原）；西元前六四○年，秦滅亡關中東部的梁、芮兩邦國。邽、冀、杜、鄭四邑設縣。司馬遷，《史記》，卷五〈秦本紀〉，頁一八二至一八九。William H. Nienhauser, The Grand Scribe’s Records, vol. 1, 92-98. 錢穆，《史記地名考》，頁二七一、二七五、三六八。Feng Li, Landscape and Power in Early China: The Crisis and Fall of the Western Zhou, 1045-771 BC, 245-62. 陝西省考古研究院編著，《梁帶村芮國墓地：二○○七年度發掘報告》。

21Anatoly Khazanov, Nomads and the Outside World.

22Feng Li, Landscape and Power in Early China: The Crisis and Fall of the Western Zhou, 1045-771 BC, 175-87; Nicola Di Cosmo, Ancient China and Its Enemies: The Rise of Nomadic Power in East Asian History, esp. 68-90. 楊建華，《春秋戰國時期中國北方文化帶的形成》，頁三六至四三。Jenny F. So and Emma C. Bunker, Traders and Raiders on China’s Northern Frontier.

23Miao Wei et al., “Dental Wear and Oral Health as Indicators of Diet among the Early Qin People.” 劉欣，〈甘肅天水毛家坪遺址動物遺存研究〉。

24Owen Lattimore, Inner Asian Frontiers of China, 328-463; Nicola Di Cosmo, Ancient China and Its Enemies: The Rise of Nomadic Power in East Asian History, 93-126.

25三門峽附近的戎人城鎮是茅津，大概在今日的山西平陸縣附近。錢穆，《史記地名考》，頁五一二；林劍鳴，《秦史稿》，頁一一七。司馬遷對於秦征服戎的記載，似乎取自戰國時代的某部政論著作，其中部分內容也見於《韓非子》。參看司馬遷《史記》卷五〈秦本紀〉，頁一九二至一九四。William H. Nienhauser, The Grand Scribe’s Records, vol. 1, 100-101. 王先慎，《韓非子集解》卷三，〈十過第十〉，頁七一至七二。關於涇河流域的秦墓葬，參看Lothar von Falkenhausen, “The Waning of the Bronze Age: Material Culture and Social Developments, 770-481 B.C.”, 488.

26Robin D. S. Yates, “The Horse in Early Chinese Military History”, 36-57; Herrlee G. Creel, The Origins of Statecraft in China: The Western Chou Empire, 262-88; Charleen Gaunitz et al., “Ancient Genomes Revisit the Ancestry of Domestic and Przewalski’s Horses.”

27Katherine Linduff, “Production of Signature Artifacts for the Nomad Market in the State of Qin during the Late Warring States Period in China (4th-3rd century BCE)”; Katheryn M. Linduff, Bryan K. Hanks, and Emma Bunker, “First Millennium BCE Beifang Artifacts as Historical Documents”, 282-87; Owen Lattimore, Inner Asian Frontiers of China.

28這些戰事的詳情散見於《左傳》（尤其魯僖公、魯文公時期），以及《史記》，卷五〈秦本紀〉、卷三十九〈晉世家〉和卷四十四〈魏世家〉。林劍鳴，《秦史稿》，頁一一七至一四五；司馬遷，《史記》，卷五〈秦本紀〉，頁一八六至一九三。William H. Nienhauser, The Grand Scribe’s Records, vol. 1, 95-100.

29司馬遷，《史記》，卷五〈秦本紀〉，頁二○二。William H. Nienhauser, The Grand Scribe’s Records, vol. 1, 108; Edouard Chavannes, Les Memoires Historiques de Se-ma Ts’ien, 2:253 n. 314; Yuri Pines, “The Question of Interpretation: Qin History in Light of New Epigraphic Sources”; Yuri Pines, “Biases and Their Sources: Qin History in the ‘Shiji’; Maxim Korolkov, “Empire-Building and Market-Making at the Qin Frontier: Imperial Expansion and Economic Change, 221-207 BCE”, chap. 2; Songchang Chen, “Two Ordinances Issued during the Reign of the Second Emperor of the Qin Dynasty in the Yuelu Academy Collection of Qin Slips.”

30秦在西元前四七五年接受了蜀的外交贈禮（「蜀人來賂」），由此揭示秦當時就與南方遠處的邦國保持聯繫（司馬遷，《史記》，卷五〈秦本紀〉，頁一九九；卷十五〈六國年表〉，頁六八八至六八九。William H. Nienhauser, The Grand Scribe’s Records, vol. 1, 106-7.）漢中盆地築城之處名為南鄭。〈秦本紀〉記載秦伐蜀攻取南鄭，但〈六國年表〉又記載蜀從秦手中取得南鄭（司馬遷，《史記》，卷五〈秦本紀〉，頁一九九至二○○；卷十五〈六國年表〉，頁六七九、七○○、七一三）。注意：秦、楚兩國爭奪數十年之久的漢中之地，並非今日的漢中地區，而是位於東方更遠處，或許在今日的陝西安康一帶（錢穆，《史記地名考》，頁二一三）。Steven F. Sage, Ancient Sichuan and the Unification of China; Robert Bagley, Ancient Sichuan: Treasures from a Lost Civilization.

31Maxim Korolkov, “Empire-Building and Market-Making at the Qin Frontier: Imperial Expansion and Economic Change, 221-207 BCE”, chap. 2; A.F.P. Hulsewé, Remnants of Ch’in Law: An Annotated Translation of the Ch’in Legal and Administrative Rules of the 3rd Century B.C. Discovered in Yun-Meng Prefecture, Hu-Pei Province, in 1975, 211-15.

32Anthony J. Barbieri-Low, “Coerced Migration and Resettlement in the Qin Imperial Expansion.” 帝國主義影響帝國中心區域的其他事例，參看Geoffrey Hosking, Russia: People and Empire, 1552-1917. 以及Alfred W. McCoy and Francisco A. Scarano, Colonial Crucible: Empire in the Making of the Modern American State.

33引自Michael Loewe, “Review of ‘Shang Yang’s Reforms and State Control in China.” 原宗子《「農本」主義と「黃土」の発生：古代中国の開発と環境2》，以及村松弘一《中国古代環境史の研究》，也都探討了商鞅變法的環境史。關於商鞅，更為通論性的著作包括Yuri Pines, The Book of Lord Shang; Vandermeersch, La formation du légisme; Li and Yang, Shang Yang’s Reforms and State Control in China: Apologetics of State Power in Early China; Kenneth Dean and Brian Massumi, First and Last Emperors: The Absolute State and the Body of the Despot.

34秦的主要統治者在孝公之後自封為王，包括惠文王（西元前三三七至三一一年在位）、昭襄王（西元前三○六至二五一年），以及秦王政／始皇帝（西元前二四六至二一○年在位）。司馬遷，《史記》，卷五〈秦本紀〉，頁一九九至二○二。William H. Nienhauser, The Grand Scribe’s Records, vol. 1, 106-9. 馬非百，《秦集史》，頁一四七、八五六至八七○。Xueqin Li, Eastern Zhou and Qin Civilizations, 235.

35商鞅曾是公叔痤的下屬，公叔痤曾師法吳起，吳起曾是李悝的下屬。公叔痤將賞罰並用鼓勵兵士遵從王法歸功於吳起。儘管後世文本將李悝奉為重要的改革家，早期文本卻很少提到他，更受尊崇的看來是吳起。《史記》稱許李悝「盡地力之教」（卷七十四〈孟子荀卿列傳〉，頁二三四九），商鞅的思想也可如此稱之。Léon Vandermeersch, La formation du légisme: Recherche sur la constitution d’une philosophie politique caractéristique de la Chine ancienne, 24-25; Nancy Lee Swann, Food & Money in Ancient China: The Earliest Economic History of China to A.D. 25, 136-44. 劉向集錄，《戰國策》上冊，卷五〈秦三．蔡澤見逐於趙〉，頁二一二至二一六；中冊，卷二十二〈魏一．魏武侯與諸大夫浮於西河〉、〈魏公叔痤為魏將〉，頁七八一至七八四。James Crump, Chan-Kuo Ts’e, 132-35. 魏對秦的影響之一例，參看A.F.P. Hulsewé, Remnants of Ch’in Law: An Annotated Translation of the Ch’in Legal and Administrative Rules of the 3rd Century B.C. Discovered in Yun-Meng Prefecture, Hu-Pei Province, in 1975, 208-10; Mark E. Lewis, “Warring States Political History”, 603-6; W. K. Liao, The Complete Works of Han Fei Tzŭ: A Classic of Chinese Legalism, vol. 2, 212. 王先慎，《韓非子集解》，卷十七〈定法第四十三〉，頁三九七。Herrlee G. Creel, Shen Pu-Hai: A Chinese Political Philosopher of the Fourth Century BC.

36墓葬提供的證據，參看Lothar von Falkenhausen, Chinese Society in the Age of Confucius (1000-250 BC): The Archaeological Evidence, 319.

37司馬遷撰寫的商鞅傳記（《史記》，卷六十八〈商君列傳〉），參看William H. Nienhauser, The Grand Scribe’s Records, vol. 7, 87-96. 關於《商君書》，尤銳考訂〈墾令〉、〈農戰〉、〈去彊〉、〈兵守〉四篇成書時間早於西元前三五○年，〈算地〉、〈開塞〉、〈壹言〉則成於西元前三五○至三三○年間。Yuri Pines, The Book of Lord Shang: Apologetics of State Power in Early China, 25-58. 高亨，《商君書注譯》，頁六至十一。Jan J. L. Duyvendak, Book of Lord Shang: A Classic of the Chinese School of Law; Translated from the Chinese with Introduction and Notes; Yuri Pines, “Alienating Rhetoric in the Book of Lord Shang and Its Moderation.” 銘文提及商鞅的器物，參看邱隆等編，《中國古代度量衡圖集》，頁四四，以及Jane Portal, The First Emperor: China’s Terracotta Army, 34. 商鞅的名聲，參看Yu-ning Li and Kuan Yang, Shang Yang’s Reforms and State Control in China, xvi-xliii. 王先慎，《韓非子集解》，卷四〈和氏第十三〉，頁九七；卷四〈奸劫弒臣第十四〉，頁一○一；卷十七〈定法第四十三〉，頁三九七；孫次舟，〈史記商君列傳史料抉原〉。

38引文出自蔣禮鴻，《商君書錐指》，〈墾令第二〉，頁十二，由我本人英譯。Yuri Pines, The Book of Lord Shang: Apologetics of State Power in Early China, 127. 「壹」意指「統一由國家控制」的用法，參看Martin Kern, The Stele Inscriptions of Ch’in Shih-Huang: Text and Ritual in Early Chinese Imperial Representation, 13, 18, 42, 44, 47; Charles Sanft, Communication and Cooperation in Early Imperial China: Publicizing the Qin Dynasty, 41-42. 正如A. C. Graham, “The ‘Nung-Chia’ ‘School of the Tillers’ and the Origins of Peasant Utopianism in China.”一文所示，某些農本意識型態更傾向於無政府主義，而非國家專制。商鞅開徵的新稅是賦，參看司馬遷，《史記》，卷五〈秦本紀〉，頁二○三。William H. Nienhauser, The Grand Scribe’s Records, vol. 1, 109; Maxim Korolkov, “Empire-Building and Market-Making at the Qin Frontier: Imperial Expansion and Economic Change, 221-207 BCE”, 106-13.

39司馬遷的「明尊卑爵制等級」一段應當如何點讀及詮釋並不明確，但意思大致是清楚的。司馬遷，《史記》，卷六十八〈商君列傳〉，頁二二三○。William H. Nienhauser, The Grand Scribe’s Records, vol. 7, 89-90.（英譯已修訂。）瀧川龜太郎，《史記會注考證》，卷六十八〈商君列傳第八〉，頁三四○五。關於魏律，參看A.F.P. Hulsewé, Remnants of Ch’in Law: An Annotated Translation of the Ch’in Legal and Administrative Rules of the 3rd Century B.C. Discovered in Yun-Meng Prefecture, Hu-Pei Province, in 1975, 208-9; Mark E. Lewis, The Construction of Space in Early China, chap. 2.

40引文英譯同時參考尤銳、戴聞達。蔣禮鴻，《商君書錐指》，〈去彊第四〉，頁三二至三四。Yuri Pines, The Book of Lord Shang: Apologetics of State Power in Early China, 153-54; Jan J. L. Duyvendak, Book of Lord Shang: A Classic of the Chinese School of Law; Translated from the Chinese with Introduction and Notes, 204.

41Yi-tien Hsing, “Qin-Han Census and Tax and Corvee Administration: Notes on Newly Discovered Texts.”

42順帶一提，偶爾有些說法認為商鞅把人民每五家、每十家組成一個單位，但其實是五家為一伍。看來後世的評注者把「仕伍」（或寫成「士五」）的「仕」解為代表十的「仕」，實際上「仕」是「士」的變體，是成年男子的通稱（無官爵的平民稱做「士伍」）。司馬遷，《史記》，卷六十八〈商君列傳〉，頁二二三○。William H. Nienhauser, The Grand Scribe’s Records, vol. 7, 89; A.F.P. Hulsewé, Remnants of Ch’in Law: An Annotated Translation of the Ch’in Legal and Administrative Rules of the 3rd Century B.C. Discovered in Yun-Meng Prefecture, Hu-Pei Province, in 1975, 13, 145-46. 許維遹，《韓詩外傳集釋》卷四，第十三章，頁一四三。Robin D. S. Yates, “Social Status in the Ch’in: Evidence from the Yun-Meng Legal Documents. Part One: Commoners,” 201-3; Edgar Kiser and Yong Cai, “War and Bureaucratization in Qin China: Exploring an Anomalous Case.”

43James C. Scott, Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed; William H. Nienhauser, The Grand Scribe’s Records, vol. 7, 91. 司馬遷，《史記》，卷六十八〈商君列傳〉，頁二二三二。Mark E. Lewis, Sanctioned Violence in Early China, 273; Yuri Pines, The Book of Lord Shang: Apologetics of State Power in Early China, 200. 我將英譯略作修訂，以反映我個人如何理解這段語意含糊的引文。

44James C. Scott, Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed; William H. Nienhauser, The Grand Scribe’s Records, vol. 7, 91. 司馬遷，《史記》，卷六十八〈商君列傳〉，頁二二三二。Mark E. Lewis, Sanctioned Violence in Early China, 273; Yuri Pines, The Book of Lord Shang: Apologetics of State Power in Early China, 200. 我將英譯略作修訂，以反映我個人如何理解這段語意含糊的引文。

45西元前最後兩百年間的出土度量衡顯示，每一尺平均二十三點一公分長。我們可據此推算如下：六尺為一步（一點三九公尺）；三十步為一則；一平方步等於一點九平方公尺；兩百四十平方步等於一畝（四百五十七點一平方公尺）；一百畝為一頃。Anthony J. Barbieri-Low and Robin D. S. Yates, Law, State, and Society in Early Imperial China: A Study with Critical Edition and Translation of the Legal Texts from Zhangjiashan Tomb No. 247, 699-711; A.F.P. Hulsewé, Remnants of Ch’in Law: An Annotated Translation of the Ch’in Legal and Administrative Rules of the 3rd Century B.C. Discovered in Yun-Meng Prefecture, Hu-Pei Province, in 1975, 211-15; Endymion Wilkinson, Chinese History: A New Manual, 551-58. 司馬遷，《史記》，卷六〈秦始皇本紀〉，頁二三八。

46Frank Leeming, “Official Landscapes in Traditional China.”

47郭子直，〈戰國秦封宗邑瓦書銘文新釋〉，頁一八二。

48劉向集錄，《戰國策》中冊，卷十四〈楚一．張儀為秦破從連橫〉，頁五○四。James Crump, Chan-Kuo Ts’e, 244. 這些話被認為出自秦相張儀，在劉向集錄，《戰國策》上冊，卷三〈秦一．張儀說秦王〉，頁九五至一一四，他對秦的強大有段更長的論述。James Crump, Chan-Kuo Ts’e, 125-30.

49關於墓葬分布，參看Mingyu Teng, “From Vassal State to Empire: An Archaeological Examination of Qin Culture.” 以及Lothar von Falkenhausen, “Mortuary Behaviour in Pre-Imperial Qin: A Religious Interpretation”, 115. 地圖九的遺址分布資訊，取自國家文物局主編，《中國文物地圖集：陝西分冊》，頁五二至六三。注意，上圖止於東周時期開始前，下圖則大概始於東周末年，因此東周時代的考古遺址恐怕不見於這兩圖。但《中國文物地圖集：陝西分冊》頁六一的東周時期地圖所載遺址卻極少，由此意味著地圖九下半的秦漢時期地圖，也包含某些東周晚期的秦遺址在內。

50早期鐵礦床的位置，參看Donald B. Wagner, Science and Civilisation in China, vol. 5.11, 83-114，以及Lothar von Falkenhausen, Chinese Society in the Age of Confucius (1000-250 BC): The Archaeological Evidence, 224-33. 極力強調金屬工具重要性的範例之一，參看楊寬，《戰國史》，頁四二至五七。金屬工具對環境產生的效果，參看Michael J. Storozum et al., “Anthrosols and Ancient Agriculture at Sanyangzhuang, Henan Province, China.” 關於水井，參看高升榮，《明清時期關中地區水資源環境變遷與鄉村社會》，頁四七至五五。

51秦都的東遷可能始於秦肅靈公（西元前四二四至四一五年在位）居於涇陽之時，該地位於今日陝西涇陽縣一帶。司馬遷，《史記》，卷五〈秦本紀〉，頁二○二；卷六〈秦始皇本紀〉，頁二八七；卷六十八〈商君列傳〉，頁二二三二。William H. Nienhauser, The Grand Scribe’s Records, vol. 1, 172; vol. 7, 2006, 107. 王子今，〈秦獻公都櫟陽說質疑〉；中國社會科學院考古研究所櫟陽發掘隊，〈秦漢櫟陽城遺址的勘探和試掘〉；王子今，〈秦定都咸陽的生態地理學與經濟地理學分析〉。

52北牆長八百四十三公尺、南牆長九百零二公尺、東牆長四百二十六公尺、西牆長五百七十六公尺。陝西省考古研究所編著，《秦都咸陽考古報告》，頁十至十二。

53前引書，頁十三、三四至四三、二一二至二一七；王子今，《秦漢時期生態環境研究》，頁九三至九四。關於西安的供水，參看史念海，〈漢唐長安與生態環境〉。

54Michael Loewe, Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, 25-29; Benjamin Elman and Martin Kern, Statecraft and Classical Learning: The Rituals of Zhou in East Asian History, 33-93, 129-54; Mark E. Lewis, Writing and Authority in Early China, 42-51; Ray Huang, “The Ming Fiscal Administration”, 116.

55《周官》依照職位編排，因此在職稱之下都能找到相關章節：屠夫（庖人）、廚師（饔、亨人）、獵人（獸人）、漁民（漁人）、捕龜人（鱉人）、裁縫（縫人）、修鞋匠（履人）、毛皮專家（司裘）、皮匠（掌皮）、絲匠（典絲）、織麻專家（典枲）和染布匠（染人），還有負責保存肉類（醢人）、保存醋（醯人）、掌管酒（酒正、酒人）、其他可攝取液體（漿人）、鹽（鹽人）、米（舂人）、醃肉（臘人）、冰（凌人）和果園（場人）的人們。另參看Roel Sterckx, Food, Sacrifice, and Sagehood in Early China, 134-43; Mu-chou Poo, “Religion and Religious Life of the Qin.”

56Anthony J. Barbieri-Low and Robin D. S. Yates, Law, State, and Society in Early Imperial China: A Study with Critical Edition and Translation of the Legal Texts from Zhangjiashan Tomb No. 247, 923-37, 1254; Anthony J. Barbieri-Low, Artisans in Early Imperial China; Zengjian Guan and Konrad Herrmann, Kao Gong Ji: The World’s Oldest Encyclopaedia of Technologies. 陝西省考古研究所編著，《秦都咸陽考古報告》。

57據我估計，漢代中葉人口紀錄所登載，生活在關中三個行政區（三輔）的兩百四十三萬六千三百六十人，其中約有兩百三十萬人定居於關中及周邊山麓一萬五千平方公里的範圍裡。葛劍雄，《西漢人口地理》，頁九六；譚其驤，《中國歷史地圖集》第二冊，頁五至六；楊振紅，《出土簡牘與秦漢社會（續編）》，頁十二至十五。我們知道咸陽縣的三個鄉—陰鄉、長安鄉、建章鄉都在渭河南岸。徐衛民，《秦漢歷史地理研究》，頁五二至五八。關於墓地，參看陝西省考古研究院編著，《西安尤家莊秦墓》。關於橋梁，參看陝西省考古研究院，〈西安市漢長安城北渭橋遺址〉；班固，《漢書》，卷六十三〈武五子傳〉，頁二七四七；李曉傑主編，《水經注校箋圖釋：渭水流域諸篇》，頁三五四、五三六。

58引文出自王先慎，《韓非子集解》，卷十四〈外儲說右下第三十五〉，頁三三七。這兩段取材自徐衛民，《秦漢都城與自然環境關係研究》，頁一六一至一六六。Edward H. Schafer, “Hunting Parks and Animal Enclosures in Ancient China”; Charles Sanft, “The Construction and Deconstruction of Epanggong: Notes from the Crossroads of History and Poetry.” 關於漢代的農園，參看周曉陸，〈《關中秦漢陶錄》農史資料讀考〉。上林苑中的平民，參看司馬遷，《史記》，卷八十七〈李斯列傳〉，頁二五六二。

59唐華清宮考古隊，〈唐華清宮湯池遺址第一期發掘簡報〉。

60Joseph Needham, Ling Wang, and Gwei-djen Lu, Science and Civilisation in China, vol. 4.3, 228-31, 285-96; Burton Watson, Records of the Grand Historian: Han Dynasty, 53-60; Bin Liu et al., “Earliest Hydraulic Enterprise in China, 5,100 Years Ago.” 關於鄭，參看Stephen Durrant, Wai-yee Li, and David Schaberg, Zuo Tradition, 974 (Xiang 10). 關於魏，參看司馬遷，《史記》，卷二十九〈河渠書〉，頁一四○八。關於大運河起源的吳運河，參看史念海，〈論濟水和鴻溝〉。

61王先謙，《荀子集解》，卷五〈王制篇第九〉，頁一六八。Brian Lander, “State Management of River Dikes in Early China: New Sources on the Environmental History of the Central Yangzi Region”, 347-53; John Knoblock, Xunzi: A Translation and Study of the Complete Works, 106. 《呂氏春秋》，卷二十六〈士容論．上農〉引文如下：「量力不足，不敢渠地而耕。」（由我英譯）取自John Knoblock and Jeffrey Riegel, The Annals of Lu Buwei: A Complete Translation and Study, 653.

62司馬遷，《史記》，卷二十九〈河渠書〉，頁一四○八。Burton Watson, Records of the Grand Historian: Han Dynasty, 54-55. 王先謙，《漢書補注》第六冊，〈溝洫志第九〉，頁二八六七至二八六八。關於這種政治故事文類，參看Michael Loewe, Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, 1-11. 以及馬王堆漢墓帛書整理小組編，《戰國縱橫家書》。這些故事包含不少準確的歷史，但往往不可能把事實和虛構區分開來。

63此處的畝為兩百四十步，相當於四百六十一平方公尺，因此四萬頃地會是十八萬四千公頃。三百里則是一百二十六公里。司馬遷，《史記》，卷二十九〈河渠書〉，頁一四○八。Burton Watson, Records of the Grand Historian: Han Dynasty, 54-55. 土地面積參看Pierre-Étienne Will, “Clear Waters versus Muddy Waters: The Zheng-Bai Irrigation System of Shaanxi Province in the Late-Imperial Period”, 288.

64Jie Fei et al., “Evolution of Saline Lakes in the Guanzhong Basin during the Past 2000 Years: Inferred from Historical Records.” 李令福，《關中水利開發與環境》，頁十九至二○。

65司馬遷，《史記》，卷二十九〈河渠書〉，頁一四○八。Burton Watson, Records of the Grand Historian: Han Dynasty, 54-55; Étienne Will, “Clear Waters versus Muddy Waters: The Zheng-Bai Irrigation System of Shaanxi Province in the Late-Imperial Period.” 六世紀的《水經注》說明了渠道路徑的一些細節，儘管渠道系統自秦以來經過大幅修改，文中提及的許多地標如今已不為人知。楊守敬、熊會貞，《水經注疏》中冊，卷十六〈沮水〉，頁一四五五至一四六一。

66S. Eliassen and O. J. Todd, “The Wei Pei Irrigation Project in Shensi Province”, 172. 武漢水利電力學院《中國水利史稿》編寫組編，《中國水利史稿》，頁一二四至一二五。近代地圖參看劉明光主編，《中國自然地理圖集》，頁一三四。淤沙問題參看Joseph Needham, Ling Wang, and Gwei-djen Lu, Science and Civilisation in China,
vol. 4.3, 227. 司馬遷的數字高得令人難以置信，參看Derk Bodde, “The State and Empire of Ch’in,” 98-102.

67S. Eliassen and O. J. Todd, “The Wei Pei Irrigation Project in Shensi Province”, 176; Chun Chang Huang et al., “Extraordinary Floods of 4100-4000 a BP Recorded at the Late Neolithic Ruins in the Jinghe River Gorges, Middle Reach of the Yellow River, China”; Chun Chang Huang et al., “Holocene Palaeoflood Events Recorded by Slackwater Deposits along the Lower Jinghe River Valley, Middle Yellow River Basin, China.” 我要感謝陝西師範大學的研究生提供涇河的流量紀錄。

68秦建明、楊政、趙榮，〈陝西涇陽縣秦鄭國渠首攔河壩工程遺址調查〉；王先謙，《漢書補注》第六冊，〈溝洫志第九〉，頁二八八○；班固，《漢書》，卷二十九〈溝洫志〉，頁一六八五。

69李令福，《關中水利開發與環境》，頁二○、三二至三三。Pierre-Étienne Will, “Clear Waters versus Muddy Waters: The Zheng-Bai Irrigation System of Shaanxi Province in the Late-Imperial Period”; Mark Elvin, The Pattern of the Chinese Past: A Social and Economic Interpretation, 298-315.

70王勇，《東周秦漢關中農業變遷研究》；張波、樊志民主編，《中國農業通史：戰國秦漢卷》，頁一六四。Françoise Sabban, “De la main à la pâte: Réflexion sur l’origine des pâtes alimentaires et les transformations du blé en Chine ancienne”; Cho-yun Hsu, Han Agriculture: The Formation of Early Chinese Agrarian Economy, 206 B.C.-A.D. 220, 84-85.

71用語是「甽浴土」。John Knoblock and Jeffrey Riegel, The Annals of Lu Buwei: A Complete Translation and Study, 26.655.

72班固，〈西都賦〉，引自高步瀛，《文選李注義疏》，頁六七至七○。David R. Knechtges, Wen Xuan; or, Selections of Refined Literature. Volume 1: Rhapsodies on Metropolises and Capitals, vol. 1, 111-13. 英譯已修訂。字面上寫成「提封五萬」，但顯然是一句形容面積的口頭禪，班固並未說明五萬的面積計算單位為何。

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